{"id":5846,"date":"2009-07-03T12:51:47","date_gmt":"2009-07-03T17:51:47","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/sepiamutiny.com?p=5846"},"modified":"2009-07-04T08:46:14","modified_gmt":"2009-07-04T13:46:14","slug":"vinay_lal_the_o","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/sepiamutiny.com\/blog\/2009\/07\/03\/vinay_lal_the_o\/","title":{"rendered":"Vinay Lal, “The Other Indians”"},"content":{"rendered":"

A few months ago, in the middle of the Sonal Shah controversy, I wrote a blog post<\/a> criticizing Vijay Prashad\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s The Karma of Brown Folk<\/i> as a somewhat inadequate historical account of the Indian-American community. The example I focused on was the “Yankee Hindutva” chapter, which I thought was unbalanced and prone to cast aspersions rather than actually illuminate the topic at hand. But other chapters in Prashad\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s book have similar problems: Prashad\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s book is more a critique of the “desi” community in the U.S. than it is an introduction to it: we are too bourgeois (the “model minority” myth), too racist (i.e., against African-Americans), and too religious.<\/p>\n\n

We now have a more comprehensive introductory book on the history of the South Asian American community, Vinay Lal\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s The Other Indians: A Political and Cultural History of South Asians in America<\/i><\/a> (see an earlier post on Vinay Lal by Abhi here<\/a>). Lal\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s book covers some of the same topics as Prashad’s Karma<\/i> but is much more heavily factual and closely researched -\u00e2\u20ac\u201c it\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s a work of history rather than a political polemic \u00e2\u20ac\u201c- and it\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s rich with useful and well-sourced statistics. If I were to ask students to read something about the history of South Asians in the U.S., say, in conjunction with a segment of a course relating to Indian immigrant fiction, I would probably assign this book.<\/p>\n\n

In lieu of a comprehensive review, below are a few highlights and interesting tidbits from The Other Indians<\/i> that I picked up on: Elihu Yale, early Immigration\/Legal issues, Religion, and the old terminology question. \nElihu Yale <\/b><\/p>\n\n

Lal’s chapter on the early American relationship with India was interesting to me, specifically the account of Elihu Yale<\/a> (i.e., the Yale who gave Yale University its name):<\/p>\n\n

Well before Indians first began to arrive in some numbers in the United States a little before 1900, trade had brough the products of \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcEast India\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 \u00e2\u20ac\u201ctea, spices, silk, muslin, opium\u00e2\u20ac\u201dto New England homes. Salem owed its greatness to the commerce with the East . . . It is the \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcmagnificent Oriental plunder\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 accumulated by Elihu Yale in India, who served as a lowly clerk in the East India Company\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s offices before he rose to assume charge of the Madras Presidency, that lifted a New England college founded in 1676 from the doldrums and prompted its founders to rename the college in honor of the wealthy donor. As a young boy, Ralph Waldo Emerson, later to be known as the \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcSage of Concord\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 and the leader of a group of writers and thinkers who would be characterized as the \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcTranscendentalists,\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 often visited Boston\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcIndia Wharf\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 which had by his time becomethe leading center of trade with China and India. Emerson confided to his journal in 1836 that everything in \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcthis era\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 had been made \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcsubservient\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 to \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcTrade,\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 and \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcOn us the most picturesque contrasts are crowded. We have the beautiful costume of the Hindoo and the Turk in our streets.\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 (Lal, 8) <\/blockquote>\n\n

I have sometimes wondered whether folks at Yale today ever stop to think about the colonial legacy of Elihu Yale. (Is there anyone reading this who went to Yale, who’s looked into it?)<\/p>\n\n

The Dark Years: Bhagat Singh Thind, 1920-1940<\/b><\/p>\n\n

I also found Lal\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s account of the legal history of Indian-American citizens following the Asian Exclusion Act<\/a> informative. After allowing a first wave of immigrants from India around the turn of the century, U.S. immigration authorities started to tighten restrictions on Indian immigrants by 1910, rejecting more and more applicants, in part because of fears about the Ghadr movement, and in part because of rising general xenophobia about immigrants from Asia. Still, prior to 1923, many Indians could get around racial restrictions by claiming to be \u00e2\u20ac\u2122Caucasian.\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 In 1923, this was reversed, when the U.S. Supreme Court decided that Bhagat Singh Thind<\/a> needed to be \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcde-naturalized\u00e2\u20ac\u2122:<\/p>\n\n

In early 1923, the Supreme Court heard on appeal from the Immigration Bureau the case of Bhagat Singh Thind, whose application for naturalization had been granted in the face of the Bureau\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s opposition. Thind, a Caucasian of \u00e2\u20ac\u02dchigh-caste Hindu\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 stock \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcof full Indian blood,\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 enterd the U.S. through Seattle in 1912, enrolled as a student at Berkeley in 1913, and was one of a handful of Indians who fought in World War I under the U.S. army. . . . Thind\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s lawyers rested their case on the two-fold argument that, on the anthropological evidence, north Indians were Aryans and thus Caucasians, and, secondly, by judicial precedent Caucasians were to be construed as whites. Justice Sutherland took the contrary view: in the \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcunderstanding of the common man,\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 . . . \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcwhite\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 clearly denoted a person of European origins. \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcIt may be true,\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 wrote Sutherland, \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcthat the blond Scandinavian and the brown Hindu have a common ancestor in the dim reaches of antiquity, but the average man knows perfectly well that there are unmistakable profound differences between them today.\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 The \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcAryan theory\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 had been \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcrejected by most, if not all, modern writers on the subject of ethnology,\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 and the word \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcCaucasian,\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 Sutherland argued, \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcis in scarcely better repute.\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 (Lal, 37-38) <\/blockquote>\n\n

Funny that Judge Sutherland, in 1923, was casting doubt on the Aryan invasion theory even then. (Isn\u00e2\u20ac\u2122t it strange that some people still want to believe it\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s true, even today?)<\/p>\n\n

Another surprise in Lal\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s account is of the years subsequent to the Thind case: despite the fact that the U.S. had decided it could de-naturalize Indian immigrants who had achieved citizenship, in practice, it happened to very few people. A lawyer named Sakharam Ganesh Pandit, who was a naturalized U.S. citizen, successfully went to the Supreme Court in 1927, to defend his naturalization as valid, and after that de-naturalization was quite rare. The real impact of the Asian Exclusion Act and the Thind case was that Indians no longer immigrated to the U.S., and many who had already settled here decided to leave. According to the U.S. census, there were 8000 Indians in California in 1917, but only 1,476 by 1940 (Lal, 40). Throughout the entire country, there were only 2,045 self-identified Indians present in the U.S. in 1940. (Just forty years later, in 1980, the Census recorded 387,223 Indians in the U.S., and that number has of course jumped again in both 1990 and 2000.)<\/p>\n\n

Religion: Hindu Temple Architecture <\/b><\/p>\n\n

I also learned from Lal\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s treatment of religion as it is practiced by Indian Americans. He does not ignore some of the radical religious groups, like the VHP-A. But he doesn\u00e2\u20ac\u2122t obsess over them either, and he makes space for a detailed account of the complexities of Hinduism as it is actually practiced in the U.S. by ordinary people. He has, for instance, interesting details on houses of worship, referring to some of the new temples that have been built with strict adherence to architecture stipulated the Shilpa Sastras, as well as the more syncretic temples that are structured very differently than they would be in India. I thought the following was interesting, along these lines:<\/p>\n\n

A large metropolitan center such as Los Angeles is home to a Murugan temple, at least two Radha Krishna temples, a Kali Mandir, a Devi Mandir, a Sanatan Dharma Mandir, a Lakshmi Narayan Mandir, a Sri Venkateswara temple, and close to a dozen other temples. The nondescript Valley Hindu Temple of Northridge, where a sizable Indian community has developed over the last two decades, is representative of the other, nonsectarian tradition of Hindu temples in the United States, insofar as the temple houses a diverse array of deities\u00e2\u20ac\u201dShiva, Ram, Krishna, Durga, Lakshmi, to name a few\u00e2\u20ac\u201dand welcomes Hindus in the diaspora of all persuasions. It has sometimes been suggested that Hindus in the diaspora may be less attentive to distinctions which hold sway in India, such as those between north and south, Vaishnavites and Saivites, and so on. Whether this is partly on account of their own minority status in the U.S. is an interesting and yet unresolved question. Whether this phenomenon is as distinct as is sometimes argued is also questionable. While images of both Vishnu and Shiva are not usually housed under one roof in Hindu temples in India, and the mythological works known as the Puranas\u00e2\u20ac\u201dwhere the history, genealogy, and worship of these gods is articulated\u00e2\u20ac\u201dare exceedingly sectarian, the Puranas are less exclusive than is commonly argued. Thus, a Vaishnava Purana usually elevates Vishnu as the supreme God but still has ample room for Shiva; a Saivite Purana inverses the order. A Devi Purana, dedicated to the Goddess, will similarly render secondary the male Gods. (Lal, 73-74) <\/blockquote>\n\n

I wonder if any readers who have been to different temples around the U.S. (and perhaps also in India) might have any comments on temple construction in the U.S. vs. India. (It might seem like an obscure topic, but actually I think architecture of houses of worship says a lot about the way people practice their faiths.)<\/p>\n\n

The Old Terminology Problem: Desi, South Asian, etc. <\/b><\/p>\n\n

Though I think very highly of Lal\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s book, his discussion of terminology did raise some questions for me at certain points. Lal eschews the word \u00e2\u20ac\u0153desi,\u00e2\u20ac\u009d and settles on \u00e2\u20ac\u0153Indian-American,\u00e2\u20ac\u009d and explains carefully why he\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s doing so. I can\u00e2\u20ac\u2122t reproduce all of Lal\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s arguments along these lines, but the following paragraph stood out to me as an interesting (though not necessarily compelling) critique of \u00e2\u20ac\u0153desi\u00e2\u20ac\u009d:<\/p>\n\n

Though there is no gainsaying the fact that many proponents of the term \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcdesi\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 similarly seek to invoke its widest and most pluralistic meanings, calling forth the shared lives of many South Asians, the term operates on many different and disjunctive registers. As I have often been reminded by an old friend from Jaisalmer, in Western Rajasthan, words such as \u00e2\u20ac\u02dccountry\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 mean quite different things to people from metropolitan centers and those who earn their livelihoods in India\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s tens of thousands of villages and smaller towns. When my friend chances to remark \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcHamare desh me aisa hota hai\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 (\u00e2\u20ac\u02dcThis is how it happens in our country\u00e2\u20ac\u2122), by desh he clearly means his part of the country. The observation invokes not so much the nation in the abstract, much less Bharat, but rather a frame of mind and a set of habits. The word \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcdesi\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 also calls to mind home-grown products: thus, for example, no that liberalization has opened the Indian market to a whole array of foreign goods, including Western\/hybrid varieties of fruits and vegetables, one hears often of the contrast between foreign vegetables and those branded \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcdesi\u00e2\u20ac\u2122\u00e2\u20ac\u201dthe latter being small and (in common belief) much more palatable to the taste than foreign varieties. There is, it appears to me, something unsettling and certainly odd about the fact that the most enthusiastic proponents of the word \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcdesi\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 are precisely those diasporic Indians who, in many ways, have least claim to the word and its multiple inheritances, considering their location in metropolitan centers of thought and their immense distance from local and vernacular knowledge systems. For these reasons among many, I have, except in a few particular instances, eschewed the word \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcdesi\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 when speaking of Indian Americans. (Lal, xi) <\/blockquote>\n\n

I understand Lal\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s reasoning, though I don\u00e2\u20ac\u2122t think it\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s necessarily always a mark against “desi” that many people who use the term are diasporic, and perhaps less connected to South Asian culture. I don’t think the variations in the way “desi” (and videsi and pardesi) is used within northern India necessarily make the diasporic deployment of it less true within their context. Language can change.<\/p>\n\n

Later, Lal also addresses the term “South Asian American,” and introduces some concerns about it that will be familiar to readers of the endless debates over terminology that have taken place on this blog over the years (to wit: the problem of tokenizing or ignoring \u00e2\u20ac\u02dcsmaller\u00e2\u20ac\u2122 countries in South Asia; the fact that few people outside of secular\/progressive communities would actually identify themselves primarily as \u00e2\u20ac\u0153South Asian\u00e2\u20ac\u009d; the confusion of South Asia with Southeast Asia; the difficulties of limiting South Asia geographically, with Afghanistan on the west and Burma on the east, etc.).<\/p>\n\n

[Incidentally, I also addressed the terminology question in this published essay<\/a>.]<\/p>\n\n

Again, while the problems with the term “South Asian” (or “South Asian American”) are real, they are not insurmountable, and Lal\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s reasons for electing not to use the term were not entirely convincing to me. In the end, he seems to settle on “Indian American” because, “it appears to me to best do justice to those people who are the subject of this book.” In effect, it seems to me that Lal may have decided for practical reasons to focus primarily on immigrants from India in particular as the subject of his book, and some of his arguments about the problems with the term \u00e2\u20ac\u0153South Asian\u00e2\u20ac\u009d (or \u00e2\u20ac\u0153South Asian American\u00e2\u20ac\u009d) might be beside the point.<\/p>\n\n

That said, The Other Indians<\/i> is a great read and a very helpful book overall.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

A few months ago, in the middle of the Sonal Shah controversy, I wrote a blog post criticizing Vijay Prashad\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s The Karma of Brown Folk as a somewhat inadequate historical account of the Indian-American community. The example I focused on … Continue reading →<\/span><\/a><\/p>","protected":false},"author":11,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[22],"tags":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"http:\/\/sepiamutiny.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5846"}],"collection":[{"href":"http:\/\/sepiamutiny.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"http:\/\/sepiamutiny.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/sepiamutiny.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/11"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/sepiamutiny.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5846"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"http:\/\/sepiamutiny.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5846\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"http:\/\/sepiamutiny.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5846"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/sepiamutiny.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5846"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/sepiamutiny.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5846"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}